Mazrui considers whether, on a Toynbean theory of civilizations, the rise of Islam signals the end of the American empire.
In his book about the emergence of Islam as a global presence, Ali A. Mazrui opens with a question that is apt to raise eyebrows. He begins with the Toynbean theory of challenge and response—in the case of the Roman empire, it failed to find creative responses to the challenge of emergent Christianity. The result can be stated almost in Darwinian terms: Rome was not among the fittest and so did not survive. Can we draw an analogy to today’s relationship between the American empire and Islam? There is little doubt that Islam poses a challenge to our received notions of an American way of life, but is America finding creative ways to respond?
I don’t think I’m giving away the farm by revealing that Mazrui rejects the military option. History demonstrates repeatedly that the application of military muscle as a means of control is a formula for failure. There are a couple reasons for this. First, the harder you push, the more resistance you meet. And second, the very fact that you feel compelled to push reveals your moral vulnerabilities. In the case of America, the resort to force is understandable. It is a convenient, short–term solution to a perceived threat. But is it a creative response? Will it bring lasting peace? When we raise our children, we encourage them to look to the larger consequences of those behaviours aimed at immediate gratification. Why do we authorize our leaders to behave like children? The values we hope to instill in our children we fail to apply to ourselves.
The book’s title presents the two major influences which act as oppressive forces upon Islam. The first, globalization, is the cultural and economic face of American empire—the ideology of freedom (or at least of market freedom) is sold to the third world with characteristic efficiency. At the risk of being reductive, there is a twofold purpose in preaching the good news of the market economy: first, it helps to stabilize those regions which can help sate America’s deep thirst for oil; and second, it develops new markets for American products which are purchased with capital raised from the sale of that oil. What America gives with one hand, it takes with the other, leaving behind shiny baubles of questionable value—electronic gizmos, teeth whitener, and skin–tight jeans. This is precisely the method applied by America’s white ancestors when they first landed on the shores of the new world and hoped to coax goods from the local inhabitants. This little story names the chief source of conflict between the West and Islam—oil. Cultural and religious differences are secondary.
Mazrui points out that, before America even came into being, Islam had already been a globalizing presence for centuries, although primarily through culture and religion, rather than through economic influence. In fact, Mazrui identifies himself as a product of that globalizing presence. Born and raised in Kenya, he was educated in Britain and now holds academic posts in America, including Senior Scholar in Africana Studies at Cornell University. As part of a growing body of professionals and academics within the Islamic diaspora, Mazrui sees it as their duty to enhance the profile of Islam in the West. He points, with both admiration and no small measure of envy, to the example of Jews. With a population roughly equal to the number of Muslims in America (between six and seven million), Jews have long enjoyed access to the highest echelons of political life. In business and culture, Jews have made great strides. One need only think of Time Magazine’s “Person of the Century” for confirmation. At the same time, Jews have been hugely influential in setting the agenda for American foreign policy in the middle east. Mazrui exhorts Muslims to do likewise—to get involved in civic life, to participate in educational institutions, to engage in critical analysis of policy. Mazrui, himself, presents a fine example of this, by engaging the facts in a way which is at the same time measured and forceful.
The second influence which impacts negatively upon Islam is counterterrorism. Mazrui’s first personal encounter with the rhetoric of counterterrorism came in the 1950’s with the Mau Mau uprising in Kenya. At the time, Kenya was still subject to colonial rule. The British deemed it a terrorist movement, and so captured and executed its leader, Dedan Kimathi. It was this experience which first drew to Mazrui’s attention the fact that the difference between “terrorism” and “independence struggle” often depends solely upon who happens to be in power. His observations echo those of Noam Chomsky, who points out that while America has declared a war on terrorism and promotes the cause of universal democracy, nevertheless it continues to support dictatorships throughout the third world. Mazrui notes that, certainly in the middle east, it is not in America’s interest to spread democracy. If the countries of the middle east were truly democratized, the people would vote against the interests of America and, as an incidental matter, Israel would be dismantled.
In his analysis, Mazrui does not gloss over the difficult facts. Palestinian suicide bombers kill innocent Israelis. In the Sudan atrocities are committed in the name of Allah. Yet, an analysis of the numbers suggests a disproportionate level of suffering among Muslims throughout the world. In economic terms, almost all Islamic countries are within the third world and are subject to the policies of Western institutions, like the IMF and the WTO, which guarantee that they are likely to remain there. In terms of casualties as a consequence of violence, Muslims are overwhelmingly the victims, most often innocent civilians caught in the crossfire. Even in 9/11, several hundreds of the victims were Muslim. This fact often goes unstated. Similarly, the 1998 attack on the U.S. embassy in Nairobi, which caused twelve American casualties, also killed two hundred innocent Kenyans. Or consider the innocent casualties which arise from the inevitable Israeli retaliation following suicide bombings. Or the routine rapes committed in Bosnia.
Mazrui is fond of quoting Lord Acton: “Absolute power corrupts absolutely.” But he adds a corollary: “Absolute powerlessness also corrupts absolutely.” While he unequivocally condemns acts of violence by militant Islamic extremists, nevertheless, he asserts that such incidents are entirely explainable (and, presumably, preventable). The moral pillars of true Islam go ignored when one is desperate. Suicide bombers are not merely fanatical—they have lost all hope, at least for this life. The simplest way to win the war on terrorism is to end the causes for despair.
Mazrui’s book is disappointing in one respect. It opens with a fascinating question, but fails to follow through. It presents much factual material, but leaves it to the reader to infer whether, indeed, Islam poses the kind of challenge which might portend the fall of American civilization. In part, this shortcoming is a function of the book’s structure. It is drawn largely from papers which Mazrui has previously published, and so, in places, it feels somewhat disjointed. It could have benefited from a final chapter written expressly for the book and which returned to the opening question. Nevertheless, it is an important work for offering us a thoughtfully articulated glimpse of the Islamic point of view on some of the most pressing issues of our time.